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Save Word. Log In. First Known Use of toon Noun 1 , in the meaning defined above Noun 2 , in the meaning defined above. Many of the girls are taken to camps run by Mugabe's youth militia, the Green Bombers, a sinister parallel to the rape camps of Bosnian Muslim women established by Serb forces in the early s.

And with half the country facing starvation, more and more youths are being lured to join the militia by the prospect of food. In Zimbabwe, though, there is an extra, fatal dimension to the ordeals that the women endure: with 38 per cent of the population HIV positive, the rape is often the start of a death sentence.

But I suspect, as with Bosnia, the real extent of what is happening is going to take a hell of a long time to come out. Rape goes unreported in many countries but more so in Africa, particularly in rural areas where a raped daughter is seen as bringing shame on the family and afterwards becomes hard to marry.

The pressure to remain silent is even stronger in a repressive police state where the police are often the perpetrators.

Dora's family did go to the police station only to be laughed at with the words: "We're not fools to arrest one of our colleagues.

Nor do many rape victims receive medical treatment. In Dora's case the local clinic had no drugs and the family did not have the money to take her to hospital, so she is being treated with traditional herbs.

Her own dreams of becoming a nurse are in tatters as she is terrified that she may have been infected with the Aids virus.

In a month-long investigation, one of the most disturbing I have ever conducted in 15 years of foreign reporting, I and The Sunday Telegraph's photographer Justin Sutcliffe visited villages in the Zambezi valley, Matabeleland and Manicaland, interviewing rape victims and their families in secret locations.

We talked to a teacher beaten so badly that she had lost her baby, and a former militia member who had participated in the raping and pillaging intended to pacify the countryside.

We found a population living in terror, some towns completely "cleansed" of all opposition. We spent a night in terror ourselves when our car broke down in a village in the Zambezi valley, 40 miles from the nearest telephone, leaving us to listen to chants of "Pasi ne murungu" "Down with the white man" and other slogans of Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party coming from a group of men around a fire.

Fear and hunger are what passes for life in much of Mugabe's Zimbabwe. In the capital Harare there is a facade of normality - workmen repaint the blue trolley shelter in the gleaming new airport terminal, the traffic lights work, and pavement cafes serve the best cappuccino in Africa.

The roads are full of gleaming new BMWs, known as "Girlfriends of Ministers' cars", bought by government officials profiting from black market money speculation.

The only signs of anything amiss are the long snaking queues for bread, sugar and fuel, the absence of maize previously the country's staple food from all shops, and the number of people simply hanging around.

Unemployment has now reached 70 per cent of the working population. In the rural areas that Zimbabwe's Marxist president regards as his stronghold it is a different story.

Furious that so many of "his" people voted against him in elections - which he knows very well he did not really win - and incensed by calls such as that last week from the Bush administration demanding a rerun, he has unleashed his forces to wreak revenge in the most horrible manner.

At his inauguration in April, the year-old who has ruled the country since independence in , warned the opposition: "We'll make them run if they haven't run before.

Officials now speak of "taking the system back to zero" and of reducing the country's 12 million population in a chilling echo of what the Khmer Rouge did in Cambodia in the s and seem to even be employing similar tactics of emptying cities and targeting teachers.

Last week Didymus Mutasa, the organisation secretary of Zanu-PF, said: "We would be better off with only six million people, with our own people who support the liberation struggle.

With rural council elections due next month which the president has no intention of losing, the violence has re-started. What has changed is the focus on women and the blatant use of police along with youth militia who are supposed to be doing national service and call themselves "taliban".

The situation is particularly bad in Manicaland, or Eastern Highlands as the settlers called it, apparently reminded of Scotland by its misty mountains.

In the town of Buhera, anyone who is against Mugabe has been forced to flee. Many have been served with court orders not allowing them back into the area until October 2, three days after the elections.

The outside world has played into Mugabe's hands by focusing on the plight of the 4, white farmers and the bizarre attempts to destroy commercial agriculture at a time when half his population is threatened with starvation.

Hundreds of white farmers have been arrested over the past 10 days for defying a government order to move off their land.

The other evil that he is perpetrating in the countryside is not easy to investigate. Mugabe has stationed two officers from his feared Central Intelligence Organisation in every village; merely talking to a murungu, or white man, can lead to interrogation or beatings.

Driving around remote eastern and northern areas, not knowing who might be watching or what side they might be on is an eerie experience.

In areas such as Hwedza, where most of the farmers have been evicted, the war veterans who have taken over are setting fire to the fields to prepare them for traditional subsistence farming.

Plumes of smoke dot the horizon and flames lick the side of the road - at times it seems as if the whole country is burning. Every so often a white homestead surrounded by red bougainvillea and jacaranda trees comes into view, a strange island amid the blackened land.

In almost every village where people were known to have voted against Mugabe, we pieced together the same story of beatings of teachers and wanton destruction of property.

Everywhere we saw the charred skeletons of burnt bicycles, the main mode of transport of rural MDC workers.

The villagers' greatest fear is being taken to one of the camps. They were set up before the elections to train the youth militia to harass the MDC and many remain in existence.

Apparently funded from the Food to Work programme, under which youths are supposed to receive food aid for work such as road building, they form the centres for Mugabe's terror campaign.

We visited one of the most notorious at Bazeley River in Manicaland. On the main road outside the camp was a police roadblock, clearly designed to stop anyone getting near.

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Save Word. Log In. First Known Use of toon Noun 1 , in the meaning defined above Noun 2 , in the meaning defined above.

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We found a population living in terror, some towns completely "cleansed" of all opposition. We spent a night in terror ourselves when our car broke down in a village in the Zambezi valley, 40 miles from the nearest telephone, leaving us to listen to chants of "Pasi ne murungu" "Down with the white man" and other slogans of Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party coming from a group of men around a fire.

Fear and hunger are what passes for life in much of Mugabe's Zimbabwe. In the capital Harare there is a facade of normality - workmen repaint the blue trolley shelter in the gleaming new airport terminal, the traffic lights work, and pavement cafes serve the best cappuccino in Africa.

The roads are full of gleaming new BMWs, known as "Girlfriends of Ministers' cars", bought by government officials profiting from black market money speculation.

The only signs of anything amiss are the long snaking queues for bread, sugar and fuel, the absence of maize previously the country's staple food from all shops, and the number of people simply hanging around.

Unemployment has now reached 70 per cent of the working population. In the rural areas that Zimbabwe's Marxist president regards as his stronghold it is a different story.

Furious that so many of "his" people voted against him in elections - which he knows very well he did not really win - and incensed by calls such as that last week from the Bush administration demanding a rerun, he has unleashed his forces to wreak revenge in the most horrible manner.

At his inauguration in April, the year-old who has ruled the country since independence in , warned the opposition: "We'll make them run if they haven't run before.

Officials now speak of "taking the system back to zero" and of reducing the country's 12 million population in a chilling echo of what the Khmer Rouge did in Cambodia in the s and seem to even be employing similar tactics of emptying cities and targeting teachers.

Last week Didymus Mutasa, the organisation secretary of Zanu-PF, said: "We would be better off with only six million people, with our own people who support the liberation struggle.

With rural council elections due next month which the president has no intention of losing, the violence has re-started. What has changed is the focus on women and the blatant use of police along with youth militia who are supposed to be doing national service and call themselves "taliban".

The situation is particularly bad in Manicaland, or Eastern Highlands as the settlers called it, apparently reminded of Scotland by its misty mountains.

In the town of Buhera, anyone who is against Mugabe has been forced to flee. Many have been served with court orders not allowing them back into the area until October 2, three days after the elections.

The outside world has played into Mugabe's hands by focusing on the plight of the 4, white farmers and the bizarre attempts to destroy commercial agriculture at a time when half his population is threatened with starvation.

Hundreds of white farmers have been arrested over the past 10 days for defying a government order to move off their land.

The other evil that he is perpetrating in the countryside is not easy to investigate. Mugabe has stationed two officers from his feared Central Intelligence Organisation in every village; merely talking to a murungu, or white man, can lead to interrogation or beatings.

Driving around remote eastern and northern areas, not knowing who might be watching or what side they might be on is an eerie experience.

In areas such as Hwedza, where most of the farmers have been evicted, the war veterans who have taken over are setting fire to the fields to prepare them for traditional subsistence farming.

Plumes of smoke dot the horizon and flames lick the side of the road - at times it seems as if the whole country is burning. Every so often a white homestead surrounded by red bougainvillea and jacaranda trees comes into view, a strange island amid the blackened land.

In almost every village where people were known to have voted against Mugabe, we pieced together the same story of beatings of teachers and wanton destruction of property.

Everywhere we saw the charred skeletons of burnt bicycles, the main mode of transport of rural MDC workers. The villagers' greatest fear is being taken to one of the camps.

They were set up before the elections to train the youth militia to harass the MDC and many remain in existence. Apparently funded from the Food to Work programme, under which youths are supposed to receive food aid for work such as road building, they form the centres for Mugabe's terror campaign.

We visited one of the most notorious at Bazeley River in Manicaland. On the main road outside the camp was a police roadblock, clearly designed to stop anyone getting near.

With The Corrs blaring from our car stereo, however, they believed our story of being tourists lost in search of a particular mountain and incredibly let us through.

We reached the camp by crossing a narrow bridge and driving up a dirt track. The series of tents around a trestle table at which young men were helping themselves to breakfast looked unnervingly like a scout camp apart from the "Do Not Enter" sign painted angrily on the gate, the surly red-eyed men hanging around wearing T-shirts bearing the legend "The Third Chimurenga", after the liberation war, and pictures of Osama bin Laden.

It was here that year-old Priscilla, whom I had interviewed in a safe house in Harare, was raped repeatedly for three days then had her genitals burnt with a poker.

It was here, too, that Benjamin, a year-old teacher, was badly beaten after having his house burnt down. I told them I had already defecated in my pants but they said: 'No, you must defecate your whole intestines.

When they let me go, they said this is only a taste of what will happen to you. A former member of the youth militia, who fled because he was so appalled at what he was being ordered to do and is now in hiding, agreed to talk to The Sunday Telegraph about what went on in the camp.

So when Zanu-PF people came around our houses I joined. Our doctrine was to be against the white man, he was our worst enemy, and our hero was bin Laden because of the way he stood up against the West.

The idea was to instil fear in people so they would be frightened to vote and to take revenge against those who had.

They told us to take them to the bush, that they are daughters of dogs and coconuts, and to bring young ones back to the camp to service us.

Keep scrolling for more. What has changed is the focus on women Girl riding gear shift the Im a boss ass bitch gif use of police along with youth militia who are supposed to be doing national service and call themselves Search dating. See more words from the same year Dictionary Entries near toon too many Wife mounted count Toombs too-muchness toon toona Toona to one's advantage. I said no, and he said: 'Today you start, come and show us the white in you. But Pornofilme gratis handy real beginning of the horror can be traced back to March when her village voted against Mugabe in the presidential elections.

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